Shadowboxing with Congress
Reactions to NSA’s secret spying on American citizens continue to reverberate through
The liberal position on the issue is probably best represented by a letter to Congress in this week’s New York Review of Books signed by several prominent legal academics. The letter argues that the NSA spying was not authorized by Congress, and that without such authorization, the spying raises “serious questions under the Fourth Amendment.” These arguments exactly echo John McCain’s comments yesterday on Fox News. Here’s what McCain said:
You know, I don't think [the NSA wiretaps were legally authorized], but why not come to Congress? We can sort this all out. I don't think -- I know of no member of Congress, frankly, who, if the administration came and said here's why we need this capability, that they wouldn't get it. And so let's have the hearings…Let's have the administration come to Congress. I think they will get that authority, whatever is reasonable and needed, and increased abilities to monitor communications are clearly in order.
McCain makes clear that the legalist objection does not involve any substantive opposition to domestic spying. It has nothing to do with protecting liberty. There’s nothing here that’s remotely critical of the ridiculous assertion that the
On this blog, we’ve had a lot to say about the failures of the antiwar movement. The lack of ideas there is mirrored in the striking inability of liberal critics of the Bush administration to make substantive arguments about why Bush’s emergency powers are wrong. Domestic spying is not wrong because Congress should have been involved. It’s wrong because it’s a violation of liberty, under outrageously false pretences. The secret monitoring of communication, with or without Congressional authorization, is not befitting a free society. That should be the basis for opposition to such policies. But that requires taking a principled rejection of the whole idea of the “terrorist threat,” something that Bush’s liberal critics seem unwilling to do.

4 Comments:
Nice post. I find myself shouting at my computer screen as many of the "lefty" bloggers start their entry with: While no one in their right mind would oppose the government listening in on al Qaeda communications in the US, or some such nonsense. They all start with the fundamental supposition that there is an imminent threat and governments can and should do anything in their power to protect us.
The disciplined avoidance by the media on both sides of the fact that the US is the main sponsor of international terrorism in the world just piles on the frustration.
It seems to me that if the government has evidence sufficient to convince a court that 1) a particular foreign communications node is 2) in the possession of 3) a terrorist or a known aider or abettor of a terrorist, then, I think that communications to or from that node originating inside or outside the United States should be subject to secret surveillance.
The question is not whether we can imagine a hypothetical scenario that would justify secret wiretaps and surveillance. We are not speaking about counterfactuals, and which measures would be justified in theory. We are talking about a really existing program under really existing conditions that cannot be justified by a hypothetical.
This kind of reasoning is irresponsible because the next step, which is implied but not explicitly stated by your comment, is that secret surveillance in which those conditions MAY BE present is also justified. If security becomes the basis for reasoning about liberty, that sort of "what if..." speculation will always trump. What is elided here are basic principles about what kind of society we wish to live in.
I think ellen1910 was suggesting a legal rule, not posing a hypothetical. If so, the "next step" you are worried about is not only not implied, but specifically rejected, because it would run afoul of the rule.
The Bush Administration insists that it is only spying on communications between the United States and known Al Qaeda affiliates in foreign countries. Can we trust the Administration? Of course not -- but that's the legal issue you poo-poo. The substantive argument you seem to want us liberals to make is that even assuming there were a legitimate process for verifying the evidentiary basis for each wiretap, we shouldn't be spying on these communications. We're not making that argument because we don't believe it. Do you?
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