A Blow For Freedom
In a recent court ruling, a district court judge ruled certain aspects of a Presidential decree using terrorist blacklists unconstitutional. The case had been percolating for years, and was brought by the Humanitarian Law Project on behalf of two groups, Kurdistan Workers Party and Liberation Tigers of Tamil Eelam. This is undoubtedly not the end of the case. Although the government has not yet decided on an appeal, it is likely to do so. However, regardless of whether the government does so or not, its results should not be confused with a victory for freedom against tyranny. No doubt it will be a good thing for the specific groups affected, and who were bizarrely included in the list of 'terrorist organizations.'
But no defense of liberties is serious and lasting if it is won in the courts alone. Indeed this case, brought by a liberal organization that self-consciously styles itself as political, and which includes David Cole, a widely visible liberal public intellectual, is one of a smattering through which liberals continue to try and defend civil liberties through judicial activism. The shift from a mass movement for civil liberties towards an elite activity taken up almost exclusively in the courts is a long term historical process. And at one time, one can imagine judicial activism having been one part of a broader movement for the expansion of liberty. Now, however, cases like the recent decision might limit the arbitrary powers of the President in some small way, and help a few individuals out. But its broader significance is, in the present climate, not progressive. Rather, this kind of judicial activism, and especially the politicized lawyers organizations, are a sign of the degree to which these groups have retreated from winning their arguments in the court of public opinion. Indeed, the emphasis on judicial activism now registers a distrust of the public, and an unwillingness to engage in the more difficult, but more important and enduring work of convincing the public that these cases are not just individualized instances affecting specific political groups, but matters of concern for the health of politics in general. A society that favors judges over the public is not free no matter how rigorously and fairly those judges apply the law.
But no defense of liberties is serious and lasting if it is won in the courts alone. Indeed this case, brought by a liberal organization that self-consciously styles itself as political, and which includes David Cole, a widely visible liberal public intellectual, is one of a smattering through which liberals continue to try and defend civil liberties through judicial activism. The shift from a mass movement for civil liberties towards an elite activity taken up almost exclusively in the courts is a long term historical process. And at one time, one can imagine judicial activism having been one part of a broader movement for the expansion of liberty. Now, however, cases like the recent decision might limit the arbitrary powers of the President in some small way, and help a few individuals out. But its broader significance is, in the present climate, not progressive. Rather, this kind of judicial activism, and especially the politicized lawyers organizations, are a sign of the degree to which these groups have retreated from winning their arguments in the court of public opinion. Indeed, the emphasis on judicial activism now registers a distrust of the public, and an unwillingness to engage in the more difficult, but more important and enduring work of convincing the public that these cases are not just individualized instances affecting specific political groups, but matters of concern for the health of politics in general. A society that favors judges over the public is not free no matter how rigorously and fairly those judges apply the law.

6 Comments:
you people are drama kings/queens! I mean, really, is your point that no such suits should be pursued? OF COURSE, we need to engage the public and not just the courts -- why does one preclude the other?
If you read carefully, we do not say people who's individual rights are violated should not have these suits. The problem is the political dimension. At some point, liberals decided that the courts were a better venue to pursue the defense of civil liberties, than the court of public opinion. It is just unavoidable that judicial activism went from being a subordinate element in a mass movement, to the central activity more or less at the expense of all else. But it's more than a historical problem. Believing that the courts are a better location to defend liberties than the public expresses an undemocratic contempt for the majority. The majority might not always get things right, but not serious and lasting defense of liberty can succeed without the public behind it. Currently, liberals tend towards judicial activism precisely because they have given up on the public.
Isn't this your boilerplate? None of this reasoning is particularly relevant to this case. You could've deleted the first paragraph and a half and put in any other civil rights case and your point would still work.
And even if we take your "loss of the public" point, I don't see how it vitiates gains made in other, even technocratic arenas. Even if we had a public sphere, the law might still be the most efficacious avenue for these issues.
I'm curious about the history (or historiography) of the public sphere. Can we empirically show that our age is significantly less civic-oriented than those of the past? What are the criteria?
Mirroring of sites occurs for a variety of reasons:
* To protect data from failure, usually in hardware. See disk mirror.
-----------------------------------------------------------------------
fransisco pizarro
fransisco pizarro
hairyteens
hairyteens
hurracane
hurracane
izzicam
izzicam
mike vallely fights
Is it the Editors' position that the plutocracy ought to have eschewed seeking judicial remedies in The Slaughterhouse Cases, Lochner, and a myriad of anti-worker, anti-union state court actions until it could convince the citizenry, a hundred years later, to elect Tom Delay?
Put your side's judges on the bench, and you get the outcome you want.
I'm the one who put up the initial comment -- and, yes, editors, I did read your blog carefully!
I'd like some more meat to what you say here:
"At some point, liberals decided that the courts were a better venue to pursue the defense of civil liberties, than the court of public opinion."
-first, at what point?
-what liberals? elites? lawyers?
Please be specific and not just anecdotal -- who exactly are you chastising?
Post a Comment
<< Home